Gandhi jayanti : The Mahatma's non-violence philosophy is eternally relevant

Gandhi jayanti is a day to remind ourselves of the ‘father of the nations’ principle of non-violence which is always relevant in conflicts across the world. As mediators try to bring Russia to the negotiating table, the most potent weapon against the war is a popular uprising among the Russian people themselves.
Gandhi jayanti  The Mahatmas non-violence philosophy is eternally relevant
That non-violence could be an effective strategy to challenge oppression was demonstrated by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi – one of the tallest leaders of India’s freedom movement who is also endearingly knows as Bapu or Mahtma Gandhi.
In recognising the global icon for peace as the ‘father of the nation’, India has shown that it is also guided by the principles set by the Mahatma. In the current geopolitical scenario, where a costly war is dragging on in Eastern Europe showing no signs of abating even after 7 months, India is playing an instrumental role in trying to bring Russia to the negotiating table.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s words to the Russian president Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit last month that “this is not era of war” were echoed by other world leaders.
While Putin responded that he understood India’s concerns regarding the Ukraine war and would use all means to put an end to it soon. However, tensions have since then spiked after Moscow annexed territories its forces held in the eastern Donbas region after a referendum that the west called a sham. This has accelerated efforts of Ukraine to join the NATO.
To profess non-violence at this stage seems impossible – if Ukraine does not fight, it will cease to exist. If Russia stops the fight, the war can end but Russia seems unlikely to take that path.
Are there limits to the usefulness of non-violence then? No, peace and non-violence are still the most potent weapon to end conflict.
Often the biggest dissent against war comes from within the aggressor country itself. The US had to pull out of Vietnam after protests in the 1960s and ‘70s formed public opinion against the conflict.
However, such organised protest is easier in a democracy where the people’s choice weighs on the decision of politicians. In Russia’s tightly-controlled democracy, such popular movements are scarce. Those that are able to organise, risk the state’s wrath. Protesters are promptly suppressed and even jailed – Russian opposition leader and anti-corruption activist Alexei Navalny is serving a nine-year sentence in a jail some 200 kilometres outside Moscow.
Even if Russians backed the war in the beginning, support may be dwindling as the timeline of the war gets stretched.
Although it is difficult to know what is happening in Russia because news from there is censored, the mass conscription plan announced last month extracted a rare apology from the president who admitted there were errors in the plan.
Russia may not have any organised civil society that can mount pressure on the government on the war but with the rising costs of the war even on its citizens, could it be a matter of time that they too vent their anger spontaneously?
Foreign companies have pulled out of Russia which could affect millions of Russian jobs, there is climbing inflation, a ban on Russian tourists from entering a few European countries and a plan to mobilise civilians for the military.
These are enough reasons to fuel impatience among the people who may have expected a quick conclusion to the ‘military operation’ launched by Putin on February 24.
If patience wears thin, and more people gather in non-violent demonstrations, perhaps even Moscow could be persuaded to enter into talks with Ukraine that could be the first step to working out a ceasefire which could eventually bring an end to the war.
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